How Do We Know Africans were in New England in the 17th and 18th Centuries?
In New England, enslaved and free African Americans left few historical materials for scholars to study. There is, however, evidence of their existence in merchants’ account books, military, church, and legal records, run-away ads in newspapers, and there are some oral histories and published memories.
Slave? Servant? Or Enslaved African?
Today, many historians use the term “enslaved African” to emphasize the understanding that “slaves” are human beings forced into a life of servitude. Historical documents, however, often refer to “servants,” which can describe both enslaved Africans and Native Americans, as well as White indentured servants. The historical term, “servant for life,” was sometimes used instead of the word “slave.”
What Other Forms of Servitude Were There?
Some laborers were bound through a contract to work for a master for a set period of time, at the end of which they would gain their freedom. Europeans called this arrangement “indentured servitude.” Convicts, paupers, and those seeking to pay off their trip to America worked as indentured servants for terms of seven to ten years. Slavery was a very different kind of bound labor. Not only were enslaved people forced to work for life, but their children inherited their mother’s enslaved status.
Naming the Enslaved
One way enslavers exerted their control was to choose new names for the enslaved when they first arrived in the colonies, or when enslaved babies were born, taking away an important cultural right to name members of one’s own family. Commonly chosen names were sometimes derived from Greek or Roman history, the Bible, or classic literature (like Caesar, Mesheck, and Titus), or place names such as “Boston” and “Hartford.” At other times, enslavers allowed enslaved people to retain their African names, such as “Phillis” and “Cuffee”, which reflect the African practice of naming children after days of the week. Many enslaved people maintained kinship by bestowing parents’ or grandparents’ names, of whatever origin, to a newborn, thus preserving these names into the 19th century.
How Did Enslaved Africans Arrive in Towns Like Deerfield?
In the early years of the slave trade to New England, most people were captured in Africa and taken to the Caribbean before being sold and relocated to New England. As the number of enslaved Africans in New England grew between 1740 and 1775, they increasingly arrived directly from Africa, bringing immediate cultural and religious traditions with them. New England tended to receive those unfit for the extremely brutal conditions on Caribbean sugar plantations, or on those of the South.
How Many Enslaved People Were in Deerfield?
It has been calculated that the population of Deerfield included 55 enslaved people from the 17th throught the late 18th centuries. Usually an enslaver had one or two people, but the Reverend John Williams enslaved five people and his successor, Jonathan Ashley, had three, as did Thomas Wells.
What Were Living Conditions Like for the Enslaved in New England?
In New England, plantations like those in the southern colonies were rare, although there were some in certain parts of Rhode Island, and one in eastern Massachusetts. Aside from these rare northern plantations, there were no “slave quarters.” The enslaved lived with their enslavers, but they were not treated equally. They usually did not dine at the same table and their sleeping space might be in a corner of the kitchen, in the attic, or in an unheated outbuilding. They attended church services with their enslavers but sat separately, upstairs in the gallery, rather than in family pews. Records of the personal, more private sides of the lives of enslaved people are extremely rare to nonexistent, making it difficult or even impossible to reconstruct.
Daily Labor
Labor of the enslaved in New England was as diverse as the economy. They were often given training in specialized skills to work in trades. Others, such as Cato and Titus, who were enslaved to the Reverend Jonathan Ashley, performed manual labor, usually agricultural, as needed for Ashley and others. In February of 1752, Ebenezer Barnard was indebted to Reverend Ashley for “thrashing” by Titus and “working” by Titus and Cato. A 1756 entry in Ashley’s account book states: “4 days work of Titus.” In addition there are mention of a “days work of Titus dunging in holes for planting,” “a days work of Cato reaping oats,” plus husking, mowing, picking corn, hoeing, pulling flax, cutting stalks, sugaring, and other tasks.
Ashley sent his enslaved men to work in other towns as well. In October of 1759, Cato was loaned to Caleb Sharp (also known as Sharp Caleb) of Conway, Massachusetts, and in June of 1757, Cato was sent to Northampton to do some work for Samuel Dickinson.
It is interesting to note that Caleb Sharp was part Indigenous and part Black. Abijah Prince of Deerfield was formerly enslaved and in 1756, he was free and owned a farm. He benefitted from the work of Cato and Titus as well.
In the household, Cato’s mother, Jenny took care of the Ashley children, cooked the family’s meals over the kitchen fire, washed and mended the clothes, cleaned the house, and worked in the kitchen garden. Lucy Terry, enslaved by Ebenezer Wells, worked in his house and also in a nearby tavern.
Slavery and the Church
Many New England ministers, like other professionals and elite members of society, enslaved people. The diary of the Reverend Stephen Williams of Longmeadow, Massachusetts, provides insight into one minister’s thoughts about owning humans. In 1730, Williams writes “Oh Lord, help us to do our Duty- to all committed to our care,” later noting that his sermons speak to the duties of servants & masters. When one of his enslaved men died in 1751, Williams acknowledged the burden that bondage represented to the enslaved- “this day Stanford is laid in dark Silent Grave ye place where ye Servant is free [from] his master.” Incredibly, even after two of his enslaved men, Tom and Cato, drowned themselves in 1756 and 1763, Stephen Williams remained uncertain if he should free a third man, Peter, out of concern that he not “do anything, that may be dishonourable” to his religion.
Samuel Sewall, who served as a member of the Governor’s Council in Massachusetts from 1691-1725, wrote that Africans were “poor silly wretches” who could “seldom use their freedom well,” and many Whites viewed them as being eternal children in need of care and guidance.
The writings of the Reverend Cotton Mather, an extremely influential Boston minister and enslaver, offer insight into the Christian duties of 18th century enslavers. The following excerpts are from The Negro Christianized, written by Mather in 1706:
“O all you that have any NEGROES in your Houses; an Opportunity to try, Whether you may not be the Happy Instruments, of Converting, the Blackest Instances of Blindness and Baseness, into admirable Candidates of Eternal Blessedness. Let not this Opportunity be Lost; if you have any concern for Souls, your Own or Others; but, make a Trial, Whether by your Means, the most Brutish of Creatures upon Earth may not come to be disposed, in some Degree, like the Angels of Heaven; and the Vassals of Satan, become the Children of God…. It is come to pass by the Providence of God, without which there comes nothing to pass, that Poor NEGROES are cast under your Government and Protection….
Who can tell but that this Poor Creature may belong to the Election of God! Who can tell, but that God may have sent this Poor Creature into my Hands, that so One of the Elect may by my means be Called; & by my Instruction be made Wise unto Salvation! The glorious God will put an unspeakable Glory upon me, if it may be so!”
The Reverend Jonathan Ashley of Deerfield claimed in a sermon that the enslaved were servants by divine dispensation and that any attempt to escape or any dissatisfaction with one’s lot in life ws to the “damage of their masters but would also be to the dishonor of religion and the reproach of Christianity.”
By converting their enslaved people to Christianity and baptizing them, ministers, like many other enslavers, hoped the enslaved would be inspired by such Christian sentiments as subservience to the Lord, and that such Biblical interpretations and church sacraments would help control their behavior. Some enslavers promoted literacy so that enslaved people would be able to read the Bible. Many, however, especially those who had been raised in Africa, resisted Christianity or sustained their African beliefs in tandem with Christian tenets. Did enslaved people accept Christianity willingly? Or was it one more demand placed on them by their enslavers?
Did Enslaved People Interact with Each Other?
Enslaved African Americans crossed paths in daily life on a regular basis. Joseph Barnard, who enslaved Prince, was one of many Deerfield residents who rented out his own and hired neighbors’ enslaved people, such as Titus from Daniel Arms. The seasonal demands of agriculture required many hands at various times of the year. Throughout the town, work, commerce, and daily life presented many opportunities for the enslaved to interact, communicate, and form relationships with one another. However, the personal side of their experiences often remain invisible.
Examples of Interactions with the Community at Large
A survey of account books in Deerfield indicates that enslaved people had personal accounts with local storekeepers. On most occasions, work, rather than cash or goods, was the method used to pay the debts. Ishmael (enslaved by Thomas Dickinson) purchased stockings, rum, a pair of gloves, a pair of garters, and a handkerchief. He paid his debt of 15 shillings by “3 days work” and by digging a grave. Titus (enslaved by Reverend Ashley) settled his store account by a combination of payments: making a broom, bottoming chairs, bringing in a quantity of tobacco, and cash.
In 1755 and 1756, Cato (enslaved by Reverend Ashley) bought knee buckles, shoe buckles, pipes, knives, buttons, and rum, in addition to “a small pamphlet” worth two pence and two farthings. The purchase of reading matter suggests that he was literate. He was probably taught to read by Reverend Ashley, who was known to have tutored enslaved and free young men.
Colonel Ebenezer Hinsdale had a large mercantile business both in Deerfield and in Hinsdale, New Hampshire. His enslaved man, Mescheck seems to have conducted business at one place while his enslaver was at the other.
Dr. Thomas Williams treated everyone in Deerfield, including enslaved and free African Americans. From 1751 to 1759, he treated Caesar (enslaved by Jonathan Hoyt). Between 1748 and 1758, he treated Humphry (enslaved by Timothy Childs) for ailments such as an injured hand and foot. Peter (enslaved by Samuel Dickinson) was treated by Dr. Williams for a broken arm.
Divided Families
Nine-year-old Phillis was one of three enslaved people listed in the 1741 probate inventory of Nehemiah Bull, minister of Westfield, Massachusetts. In 1741, she was sold to Timothy Childs of Deerfield for $100.
“Know all men by these presents that we … Executors to the Last Will & Testament of the Revd Nehemiah Bull Late of Westfield Deceased for & In Consideration of the Sum of One Hundred pounds Current Bills… Paid by Timothy Childs of Deerfield… have by these presents sold… a certain Negro Girl named Phillis of about nine years of age to have & to hold that Negro Girl… During the term of her Natural Life….”
—Bill of sale, 1741. Thomas Williams Papers. New York Historical Society
The sale of enslaved children shocks us today, but in 18th century New England, they were regularly sold and parted from their families. Many enslavers preferred to purchase children, believing that they would learn English more easily, adapt more quickly, and develop stronger loyalties to an enslaver and his family. It is not hard to imagine the devastation of separation these children and their families experienced. Although enslaved peoples’ ability to maintain ties with family members was sometimes difficult, they struggled to stay connected.
Connections to Africa
Documents and archaeological discoveries elsewhere reveal that many enslaved people stayed connected to their African culture. Deerfield historian George Sheldon wrote that Reverend Ashley’s enslaved woman, Jenny, “fully expected, at death or before, to be transported back to Guinea; and all her long life she was gathering, as treasures to take back to her motherland, all kinds of odds and ends, colored rags, bits of finery, peculiarly shaped stones, shells, buttons, beads, anything she could string.” Jenny’s son, Cato created a similar collection. Sheldon remembered that for many years Deerfield residents referred to buttons as “Cato’s money.”
What could this mean? Jenny’s and Cato’s collecting likely reflected their cultural and spiritual connection to Africa. Among the Bakongo peoples of West Central Africa (where many people were captured into slavery), people gathered objects like stones, roots, metal rings, and beads to make Nkisi bundles, or medicines of the gods. These sacred bundles could help direct the gods to provide aid for humans on earth.
Control and Resistance
“Ran-away from his Master, Joseph Barnard of Deerfield a Negro Man named Prince, of middling Stature, his Complection not the darkest or lightest for a Negro, slow of Speech, but speaks a good English; He had with him when he went away, an old brown Coat, with Pewter Buttons, a double-breasted blue Coat with a Cape, and flat metal Buttons, a brown great Coat with red Cuffs and Cape, a new brown Jacket with Pewter Buttons, a Pair of new Leather Breeches, Castor Hats, several Pair of Stockings, a Pair of Pumps, A Gun and Violin. Whoever shall apprehend said Fellow and convey him to his master, shall have Ten Pounds old Tenor, and all necessary Charges paid by Joseph Barnard Deerfield, Sept. 18, 1749
All masters of Vessels and others are caution’d not to conceal or carry off the said Negro, as they would avoid the Penalty of the Law”
—Boston Post Boy, 1749
Although the work experienced by the enslaved in the North was less harsh, still, they encountered cruel treatment, overwork, and substandard living conditions. Advertisements for Massachusetts enslaved run-aways, such as the one above placed by Joseph Barnard, offer evidence of mistreatment and active resistance. It is not known where Prince went, but he was back in Deerfield by the time of his death in 1752.
To keep the enslaved from running away or rebelling, enslavers and civic leaders attempted to dictate most aspects of the lives of the people they enslaved. Despite these controls, the enslaved managed to maintain their lives and culture. They resisted in many ways, including quietly and sometimes secretly carrying on cultural traditions such as telling traditional stories or adhering to spiritual beliefs, socializing away from the oversight of their oppressors, or running away. Our knowledge of African American life and customs in the 17th and 18th centuries is often derived from White observers who might have been unfamiliar with or uninterested in the African heritage and the personal lives of the region’s African-American population. There is much that we don’t know about their successes or their struggles to overcome slavery.
When Did Slavery End in Massachusetts?
Slavery came to a slow end in Massachusetts and other New England states. The 1780 state constitution contended that “All men are born free and equal.” In 1781, enslaved woman, Elizabeth (“Mum Bett”) Freeman and an enslaved man named Brom successfully sued for their freedom from Colonel John Ashley of Sheffield, Massachusetts. No state statute was passed abolishing slavery, but Brom and Bett vs. Ashley and other similar court cases helped to end it. Not until 1783, did a court case successfully argue that “All men are born free and equal” applied to people of color. However, slavery was never legally abolished in the state. In Deerfield, some enslaved people were not freed until 1787; the legacy of their enslavement persisted for years after.
What Did Freedom Mean?
Gaining freedom did not guarantee freed people all the rights or opportunities for prosperity that White citizens enjoyed. Hostility, prejudice, poverty, lack of resources and education made it difficult for the formerly enslaved to succeed. Lack of economic opportunity forced many African Americans living in rural New England to relocate to urban areas. However, success stories do exist. Abijah Prince was granted his freedom by his Northfield, Massachusetts enslaver. In 1756, soon after Abijah married Lucy Terry, enslaved by Deerfield resident, Ebenezer Wells, Lucy was granted her freedom as well. Abijah owned land in Northfield and Sunderland, Massachusetts, and Guilford, Vermont. After the birth of their sixth child, the Princes settled on their land in Guilford. Although trouble with White neighbors did occur, the Princes were able to gain support and protection from the state government.
Credits
This essay was written by members of the Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association’s African American Monument Committee, composed of representatives of museums, schools, and the larger community, in an effort to give greater visibility to African American experiences in Deerfield. Special thanks are due Researcher Mary Hawks, Memorial Hall Museum; Advisors Joanne Pope Melish, University of Kentucky; Kevin Sweeney, Amherst College; and Anthony and Gretchen Gerzina, Dartmouth College; and Committee members Amanda Rivera Lopez, Historic Deerfield, Inc.; Jessica Neuwirth, Old Sturbridge Village; and Suzanne Flynt, Memorial Hall Museum, and other PVMA staff.
